WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN KAZAKHSTAN: BETWEEN QUOTAS, CULTURE AND GRASSROOTS ACTIVISM

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЕ УЧАСТИЕ ЖЕНЩИН В КАЗАХСТАНЕ: НА ПЕРЕСЕЧЕНИИ КВОТ, КУЛЬТУРНЫХ НОРМ И ГРАЖДАНСКОГО АКТИВИЗМА

Амантаев Дастан

магистрант, кафедра Кафедра политологии и международных отношений, Университет Алтынбаш,

Турецкая Республика, г. Стамбул

ABSTRACT

This article focuses on the changing landscape of women's political participation in Kazakhstan, a post-Soviet state balancing formal commitments to gender equality with deeply embedded cultural norms. Based on a complex of legal analysis, policy review, and recent civil society dynamics, the author examines how state-imposed gender quotas, persistent patriarchal attitudes, and emerging grassroots activism shape the political representation of women in modern Kazakhstan. Over the past 5 years, legislative frameworks have introduced a 30% quota for women in electoral lists, which has had a fairly good effect on increasing women's participation in formal political processes. Moreover, women's representation in business and civil activism is also at a fairly high level, and attempts to balance the gender composition of local government bodies have helped to combat gender biases in rural areas. However, real practice shows that implementation remains uneven, often reduced to symbolic representation rather than substantive influence, which is due to both the imperfection of legal policy and entrenched social inequality.

In this regard, this article investigates how cultural expectations, particularly in rural areas, continue to frame women primarily within familial and moral roles, impeding their visibility and opportunities in decision-making positions. Simultaneously, author highlights the role of feminist networks and youth-led digital movements in challenging institutional barriers and reshaping public discourse around gender and leadership. Based on the national strategies, international reports, developed by UN treaty bodies and regional comparisons, the article argues that meaningful political participation requires not only legal reform, but also a transformation of political culture and party structures. By positioning Kazakhstan within a broader Eurasian context, the article contributes to debates on post-authoritarian governance, gender mainstreaming, and the paradoxes of democratization, as well as reflects on the limits of quota-based approaches when practically detached from grassroots mobilization and sociocultural change.

АННОТАЦИЯ

Данная статья посвящена анализу трансформации политического участия женщин в Казахстане в постсоветском государстве, пытающемся уравновесить формальные обязательства по обеспечению гендерного равенства с глубоко укоренившимися культурными нормами. На основе комплексного подхода, включающего правовой анализ, обзор государственной политики и современных процессов в гражданском обществе, автор рассматривает, каким образом государственные гендерные квоты, сохраняющиеся патриархальные установки и возникающий активизм снизу формируют представительство женщин в современной политике Казахстана. За последние пять лет в законодательство были внесены изменения, предусматривающие 30%-ную квоту для женщин в избирательных списках, что положительно сказалось на численном участии женщин в формальных политических процессах. Кроме того, представительство женщин в бизнесе и гражданском активизме также достигло заметного уровня, а попытки сбалансировать гендерный состав органов местного самоуправления содействовали борьбе с предвзятым отношением к женщинам в сельских регионах. Однако на практике реализация квот остаётся неравномерной и зачастую сводится к символическому представительству без реального политического влияния, что обусловлено как правовыми пробелами, так и устойчивыми социальными неравенствами.

В этой связи в статье подробно рассматриваются культурные ожидания, в особенности в сельской местности, где женщины по-прежнему воспринимаются преимущественно через призму семейных и моральных ролей, что ограничивает их возможности в сфере принятия решений. Одновременно подчёркивается значимость феминистских сетей и молодёжных цифровых инициатив, бросающих вызов институциональным барьерам и меняющих общественный дискурс о лидерстве и гендере. Основываясь на анализе национальных стратегий, международных отчётов, подготовленных структурами ООН, а также сравнительном анализе с другими странами региона, автор приходит к выводу, что полноценное политическое участие женщин требует не только юридических реформ, но и глубокой трансформации политической культуры и партийной системы. Включая Казахстан в более широкий евразийский контекст, статья вносит вклад в дискуссии о поставторитарном управлении, институционализации гендерного равенства и парадоксах демократизации, а также освещает ограничения квотных механизмов, когда они оторваны от гражданской мобилизации и социокультурных изменений.

Keywords: women in politics; gender quotas; women's political participation; feminist activism; digital feminism; gender equality; political culture; women's engagement; structural barriers.

Ключевые слова: женщины в политике; гендерные квоты; политическое участие женщин; феминистский активизм; цифровой феминизм; гендерное равенство; политическая культура; участие женщин; структурные барьеры.

Women’s political participation is increasingly recognized as a critical indicator of democratic consolidation, inclusive governance, and institutional resilience. Across the world, the presence of women in legislative and executive bodies has been associated with broader social benefits, from more responsive policymaking to greater attention to social justice and minority rights. Yet, in many post-Soviet societies, formal progress in gender representation often masks persistent structural and cultural barriers. Kazakhstan exemplifies this paradox: a country that has formally embraced gender equality, introduced electoral quotas, and joined key international human rights conventions, but where women remain underrepresented in decision-making roles and face deep-rooted societal expectations that limit their political agency [20, p.65].

Since gaining independence in 1991, Kazakhstan has undertaken several legal reforms aimed at promoting gender equality in public life. The 2020 introduction of a 30% quota for women and youth on party electoral lists was presented as a milestone toward inclusive governance. Subsequently, the quota mechanism was changed several times, including the inclusion of persons with disabilities in the quota, as well as the introduction of a quota system not only at the stage of submitting party lists, but also for the distribution of mandates after the elections. These changes were adopted post factum and based on the acquired experience, which suggests that Kazakhstan was rather reactive in amending the Election Law and did not consider all the possible costs that emerged during and after the elections. At the moment, although the legislative framework is more or less considered sufficient for equal representation of women and men, the effectiveness of the quotas mechanism remains contested. Although women's presence in parliament, executive positions and local self-government has increased numerically, but often without a real expansion of their influence or capacity to make key decisions [13].  At the same time, the political parties themselves continue to operate within patriarchal frameworks, and cultural norms, especially in rural regions, reinforce traditional gender roles that constrain women’s political visibility and credibility [10].

This article examines the disconnect between legal commitments to gender equality and the socio-political realities of women’s participation in Kazakhstan. Author seeks to answer three interrelated questions: (i) To what extent have gender quotas translated into meaningful political participation for women? (ii) How do cultural narratives and structural barriers impede women’s political empowerment? (iii) What role do grassroots feminist movements and digital activism play in reshaping the landscape of political engagement?

Methodologically, the study relies on critical analysis of legal frameworks and policy strategies, a review of international indices such as the Global Gender Gap Report, and illustrative case studies drawn from recent feminist initiatives and electoral campaigns. It adopts an interdisciplinary lens combining gender theory, post-Soviet political analysis, and insights from digital sociology, also the article situates Kazakhstan’s experience within broader debates on the effectiveness of quota-based inclusion, the interplay between formal institutions and social norms, and the emergence of new forms of political representation from below.

Legal framework and gender quotas in Kazakhstan

The legal and institutional foundations of gender equality in Kazakhstan have undergone substantial development since the country gained independence in 1991, yet these reforms have often produced more symbolic than substantive outcomes. The Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan, adopted in 1995 and subsequently amended multiple time, affirms the principle of equality before the law regardless of gender [11]. This foundational provision is supported by Kazakhstan’s ratification of key international treaties such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which places binding obligations on the state to ensure equal political rights for women.

The domestic legislative framework includes the most significant shift that came in 2020, when a legal amendment to the Law “On Elections in the Republic of Kazakhstan” introduced a mandatory gender and youth quota of 30% on party electoral lists. This quota was positioned by state authorities as a strategic instrument for enhancing the political inclusion of women and youth, and it was hailed by international observers as a progressive step toward achieving Sustainable Development Goal 5 on gender equality [19]. However, it is important to note that the quota on that time applied only to the candidate lists, and not to the actual distribution of parliamentary mandates, thereby limiting its capacity to have a real influence.

Despite the introduction of these formal mechanisms, statistical data continues to reveal a persistent underrepresentation of women in national and local governance structures. As of 2023, women constitute approximately 29% of the lower chamber of Parliament (Mazhilis), with even lower rates in local representative bodies (maslikhats), where women make up less than 25% in most regions [13]. Leadership positions within political parties remain overwhelmingly male-dominated, and there is minimal evidence to suggest that the inclusion of women on electoral lists translates into influence over party decision-making or legislative priorities [20, с. 69].

Critically, researchers have pointed out that Kazakhstan’s quota system has thus far functioned primarily as a formal compliance measure rather than a catalyst for deeper institutional or cultural change [18]. Many political parties interpret the 30% quota as an upper limit rather than a minimum threshold, and female candidates are frequently placed at the bottom of party lists, effectively undermining their chances of securing seats in Parliament [3]. Furthermore, civil society actors have raised concerns about the lack of enforcement mechanisms and the absence of capacity-building programs to support women candidates once they are elected [16, с. 183]. This tension between legal formalism and substantive participation suggests that while gender quotas may serve as an important entry point for reform, they remain insufficient in the absence of broader efforts to address structural barriers, cultural resistance, and institutional inertia. In other words, the gap between constitutional guarantees and lived political realities persists, calling for a reevaluation of how gender equality is operationalized within Kazakhstan’s political system [10].

Cultural norms and structural barriers

Legal reforms and formal mechanisms such as gender quotas are often presented as markers of political progress, but they still operate within a socio-cultural context that frequently undermines their effectiveness. In Kazakhstan, deep-rooted patriarchal norms and traditional gender roles continue to exert a powerful influence on women’s participation in political life, particularly outside major urban centers where conservative values tend to dominate social structures and everyday discourse [17, p. 112].

The prevailing image of the “traditional Kazakh woman” in the societal perceptions is one that closely associates femininity with moral virtue, familial responsibility, modesty, and public restraint. This archetype, heavily reinforced through education, family upbringing, and religious interpretations, has historically framed women not as subjects of political change but as custodians of cultural continuity and domestic harmony [5, p. 78]. As such, women who pursue public leadership or vocal political activism may be perceived as transgressing social norms, thus encountering various forms of informal sanctions such as community disapproval or reputational damage and exclusion from political networks [9, p. 58].

Moreover, these gendered expectations intersect with institutional practices that reproduce exclusion through what scholars commonly describe as the “glass ceiling” phenomenon. Thus, despite formal access to political parties and administrative structures, women in Kazakhstan rarely ascend to top leadership positions within these organizations. Party hierarchies remain male-dominated, and decision-making bodies often operate through informal patronage networks that privilege loyalty and personal connections over merit-based inclusion [20, p. 70]. This structural bias not only limits women’s visibility but also curtails their influence over policy agendas, rendering their participation symbolic rather than substantive [18].

It is vital to note the media, that plays a critical role in reinforcing these barriers by reproducing stereotypical narratives about women in politics. A growing amount of content analysis reveals that female politicians in Kazakhstan are frequently portrayed through a lens of traditional gender roles, with a disproportionate focus on their appearance, marital status, or emotional traits, rather than their political positions or professional competencies [9, p. 60]. In many cases, media coverage either trivializes women's political engagement or frames it as secondary to their domestic duties, thereby discouraging younger generations of women from envisioning politics as a viable or respectable career path [7]. What further complicates this picture is the lack of consistent public discourse on gender equality as a democratic value. As state media and official communication occasionally highlight individual female achievements such as appointments to high-level posts, these instances are often presented as exceptional rather than systemic, reinforcing the perception that political success for women is attainable only under extraordinary circumstances or state/man patronage [14].

Taken together, these cultural and structural barriers form a complex ecosystem of resistance to gender-inclusive governance, where formal rights exist on paper but are frequently neutralized by informal norms, symbolic politics, and institutional inertia. Bridging the gap between legal frameworks and lived realities thus requires not only legislative reform but also sustained cultural transformation, civic education, and critical engagement with dominant media narratives [15].

Grassroots feminist movements and digital activism

In recent years, the landscape of women’s political engagement in Kazakhstan has witnessed a notable transformation, driven not within traditional political institutions, but rather from independent feminist initiatives, grassroots organizations, and digital communities that challenge entrenched gender hierarchies through alternative forms of civic participation. These movements, often decentralized and operating outside formal party politics, have emerged in response to the limitations of state-led gender strategies and the symbolic nature of quota-based reforms [1].

One of the most visible and impactful examples of grassroots feminist mobilization is the #Don'tSilenceKZ campaign, that was launched to raise awareness about gender-based violence, institutional gaps, and the silencing of survivors. Initially organized through social media platforms, this initiative quickly evolved into a national discourse, drawing thousands of participants and catalyzing public debates on the inadequacies of Kazakhstan’s legal protections for women [7]. The movement’s decentralized nature, combined with its ability to harness emotional narratives and visual storytelling, allowed it to bypass traditional media gatekeepers and reach diverse audiences, especially among younger urban populations [16, p. 185].

Beyond individual campaigns, a growing number of women-led NGOs have contributed to the creation of informal political spaces, offering leadership training, legal assistance, and platforms for collective action. These organizations, while often constrained by funding limitations and regulatory obstacles, play a crucial role in building the capacity of female activists and shaping discursive norms around gender and governance. For instance, different gender initiatives not only provide tools for empowerment, but also generate new repertoires of political participation that challenge the binary between public and private domains [8, p. 232].

Digital feminism in Kazakhstan thus operates not merely as a tool for mobilization, but as an epistemological shift as it redefines what constitutes political speech, who gets to speak, and which issues are considered worthy of political attention. Through blogs, social media and participatory video content, young feminists articulate intersectional critiques of nationalism, patriarchy, and neoliberalism, positioning themselves as political subjects in a space traditionally denied to them [16, p. 186]. This new form of engagement also destabilizes the boundaries between activism and academic knowledge, drawing on transnational feminist theory and translating it into local idioms and embodied experiences. However, the response of the state and political elites to these movements has been ambivalent at the best, and repressive at the worst, as some officials have rhetorical expressed support for “women’s empowerment” in abstract terms, actual grassroots campaigns have frequently faced surveillance, bureaucratic obstruction, and in some cases, direct intimidation. Feminist marches, such as the Women’s Day rallies in Almaty, have been subject to permit refusals, police presence, and public backlash, revealing the political will of the state to restrict autonomous political expression outside the sanctioned frameworks of state feminism [6].

The question that remains central is whether a genuine bridge can be established between these bottom-up movements and the top-down political system. As certain cases of dialogue exist, like inclusion of NGO representatives in advisory councils or gender task forces, but these are often tokenistic and lack structural power. The absence of institutional pathways for feminist actors to influence party agendas, legislative priorities, or public policy debates underscores the systemic insulation of Kazakhstan’s political field from grassroots pressures [20]. Yet, it would be premature to dismiss the transformative potential of these movements. By cultivating new publics, expanding discursive boundaries, and modeling alternative political imaginaries, feminist activism in Kazakhstan has already begun to shift the terrain of what is politically possible. The enduring challenge lies not in the production of critique, but in the creation of sustainable platforms through which critique can be translated into institutional change.

Comparative perspective and regional dynamics

Situating Kazakhstan’s gender and political participation trajectory within a broader regional context reveals both shared legacies and divergent strategies among post-Soviet states, particularly when comparing developments in Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Georgia. As all these countries emerged from the same Soviet framework of formal gender equality and centralized governance, their post-independence approaches to women’s political empowerment have varied significantly in scope, intent, and effectiveness.

Kyrgyzstan has often been cited as a relatively progressive actor in Central Asia regarding the institutionalization of women’s political participation, particularly due to its more pluralistic party system and active civil society. The country introduced a mandatory 30% gender quota for parliamentary candidate lists in 2019, which has since been integrated into the electoral code with one particularly notable and impactful mechanism: if a woman is elected under the quota resigns or is removed from office, her replacement must also be a woman. This replacement rule significantly contributes to maintaining gender balance not only at the moment of election but also over the full parliamentary cycle, ensuring that quotas are not simply a symbolic gesture, but a structurally reinforced commitment to representation [4].

This mechanism contrasts sharply with the practice in Kazakhstan, where no such safeguards exist. In the aftermath of the most recent parliamentary elections, for example, several female deputies from the Respublika Party voluntarily resigned from their mandates, only to be replaced by male candidates from the party list [13]. As a result, the already fragile gender balance in the Mazhilis was further eroded, exposing a critical flaw in the current quota framework, which focuses exclusively on candidate nomination rather than sustained representation. So, the Kyrgyz model thus offers a valuable institutional innovation that could be adapted to the Kazakhstani context. By including a similar gender-consistent replacement rule, Kazakhstan could enhance the durability and credibility of its quota system, thus ensuring that gains in women’s representation are preserved not only during electoral campaigns but throughout the legislative term. This would also align more closely with the spirit of gender parity, moving beyond surface-level compliance toward deeper structural equality [20, p. 70].

Uzbekistan, by contrast, reflects a more top-down model of women’s inclusion, where the state heavily controls both political parties and women’s organizations. Gender quotas were introduced in 2004, requiring that at least 30% of candidates in parliamentary elections be women. However, similar to Kazakhstan, implementation has often been superficial, with women occupying low-impact roles and lacking influence over party platforms or policy decisions [3]. Moreover, civil society in Uzbekistan remains significantly restricted, limiting the emergence of autonomous feminist movements that could hold institutions accountable or challenge patriarchal norms. Finally, the Uzbekistan's case thus underscores the limitations of quotas in authoritarian settings, where control over civic space and media narratives constrains meaningful representation.

In contrast, Georgia provides a compelling example of how party reform, legal mandates, and international cooperation can converge to enhance women’s political agency. Although gender quotas were only formally adopted in 2020 mandating that one in every four candidates on party lists must be a woman, this followed years of advocacy, coalition-building, and training initiatives supported by both local and international actors. Georgia’s political culture has gradually accommodated mentorship programs, cross-party women’s platforms, and parliamentary gender councils, which have helped institutionalize women’s presence and impact in legislative processes [10]. Importantly, the country’s relatively open media environment and electoral competition have allowed women politicians to build public recognition based on merit, rather than solely through state-sanctioned narratives.

However, the dynamics of recent years show that gender quotas are purely temporary. In 2024, the Georgian Parliament abolished quotas, which also raises a number of questions about how to further ensure equal representation of women in formal political processes. These regional comparisons suggest that the effectiveness of gender quotas is contingent not only on their legal design, but also on the broader political ecosystem in which they operate. While Kazakhstan shares certain institutional features with its neighbors, like centralized party structures and hierarchical governance, it also possesses unique assets that could be leveraged for reform. These include a growing digital-savvy youth population, an increasingly vocal feminist movement, and ongoing dialogue with international institutions on governance and equality [19; 16, p. 190].

Adaptable practices that could be introduced or strengthened in Kazakhstan include the institutionalization of mentorship schemes for young women leaders within political parties, the formation of cross-party women’s coalitions to advance gender-sensitive legislation, and the integration of civil society actors into parliamentary advisory mechanisms. Furthermore, greater media training and visibility support for female candidates, modeled after successful Georgian and Kyrgyz initiatives could help shift public perceptions and counteract gendered stereotypes that continue to dominate political discourse. Ultimately, these comparative insights reinforce the idea that legal quotas alone are insufficient to transform political systems unless they are embedded within a supportive infrastructure of advocacy, accountability, and cultural change, all of which require sustained commitment from both state and non-state actors [10].

The trajectory of women’s political participation in Kazakhstan reveals a persistent and complex tension between formal institutional reforms, entrenched socio-cultural expectations, and the emergent force of grassroots activism. While legal measures such as the introduction of gender quotas represent a positive step toward inclusive governance, they remain largely insufficient in producing substantive change when implemented in isolation from broader structural and normative transformations. The Kazakhstan's case exemplifies a form of institutional inertia, whereby laws and strategic documents uphold the language of gender equality, yet the mechanisms of political power continue to operate through patriarchal logic, opaque party hierarchies, and symbolic inclusion [20]

At the same time, cultural pressures, particularly those embedded in rural communities and perpetuated through media representations, serve to constrain women’s political agency by reinforcing a narrow image of femininity as inherently domestic, modest, and morally restrained. These normative barriers not only limit the political aspirations of women but also influence how society perceives their authority as leaders and decision-makers [5]. Moreover, without active state efforts to challenge these narratives through education, media reform, and civic programs, formal rights are unlikely to translate into genuine opportunity.

Nevertheless, the last decade has witnessed the emergence of a dynamic feminist movement, fueled by digital tools, intersectional discourse, and transnational solidarity. These grassroots initiatives have not only expanded the boundaries of what counts as political engagement but have also provided alternative platforms for advocacy, leadership development, and public dialogue. Their capacity to contest and reshape dominant norms indicates that change is not only possible, but already underway albeit unevenly and outside formal institutions [16, p. 186].

To move beyond symbolic gestures, Kazakhstan must adopt a more holistic approach to gender inclusion in politics, one that addresses not only electoral procedures but also the structural, cultural, and discursive environments in which politics unfolds. Policy recommendations emerging from this analysis include:

1. integrating gender-consistent replacement rules into the quota system, as practiced in Kyrgyzstan, to preserve gender balance throughout legislative cycles;
2. establishing mentorship and leadership training pipelines within parties and civil service;
3. expanding cross-party women’s coalitions to influence legislative agendas;
4. increasing state support for media literacy and stereotype-resistance programming that challenge regressive gender norms.

Future research should delve deeper into the longitudinal effects of quotas, assessing not only statistical outcomes but also the evolving role of female politicians in shaping substantive policy debates. Comparative studies across Central Asia and Eastern Europe could further illuminate the interplay between political structures, civic activism, and gender ideology, offering valuable insights into how democratization and gender justice intersect in post-authoritarian contexts. Ultimately, the path toward equal political participation is not linear, but layered and it is in understanding and addressing these layers that meaningful progress can be achieved.

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