Статья опубликована в рамках: Научного журнала «Студенческий» № 32(370)
Рубрика журнала: Психология
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FEAR OF MISSING OUT (FOMO) AS A PREDICTOR OF ANXIETY AND DEPRESSIVE SYMPTOMS IN YOUNG ADULTS
ABSTRACT
This article examines fear of missing out (FoMO) and its relationship with anxiety and depressive symptoms in young adults. Based on a theoretical review of psychological research, it considers social comparison, unmet psychological needs, procrastination, nomophobia and self-regulation as possible explanatory factors. Available findings suggest positive associations between FoMO and both forms of emotional distress, with a more consistent relationship observed for anxiety. However, the predominance of cross-sectional and self-report studies limits causal interpretation. The article outlines implications for digital hygiene and psychological prevention and highlights the need for longitudinal research.
Keywords: fear of missing out; FoMO; anxiety; depressive symptoms; young adults; social comparison; self-regulation.
Social media has become a routine part of young adults’ everyday lives. It offers opportunities to maintain relationships, discover new interests and participate in social life, but it also makes other people’s activities visible almost continuously. Against this background, fear of missing out (FoMO) has attracted growing attention in psychology. FoMO refers to a persistent concern that others may be enjoying rewarding experiences in one’s absence [6]. Although the feeling is not limited to digital environments, social media can intensify it by providing an endless stream of updates about events, achievements and relationships. The present article reviews research on FoMO and its association with anxiety and depressive symptoms in young adults, with particular attention to the psychological processes that may explain this relationship.
The concept gained a clearer scientific definition through the work of Przybylski and colleagues, who developed a scale for assessing FoMO. It should be distinguished from fear of better options (FoBO), which involves concern that a better choice might be available [1]. Whereas FoMO centers on experiences and social participation, FoBO is primarily concerned with decision-making. FoMO is commonly assessed using a ten-item self-report questionnaire. A Russian-language adaptation has also been developed, expanding opportunities to investigate the phenomenon in Russian-speaking samples [2]. Evidence from student samples suggests acceptable reliability: one validation study reported Cronbach’s alpha of 0.83 and a one-factor structure (KMO = 0.79) [7]. Nevertheless, researchers need to distinguish FoMO from related constructs, including nomophobia, compulsive social media use and problematic short-video consumption.
Two psychological perspectives are especially useful for understanding FoMO. The first is social comparison. Social networks often present carefully selected versions of people’s lives, making exceptional experiences appear ordinary and widely shared. Comparing everyday reality with these idealized representations may increase dissatisfaction and create the impression that one is falling behind. Research reviewed here indicates that visually oriented platforms are more consistently associated with FoMO and emotional difficulties than platforms used mainly for information or education [3]. This suggests that the nature of online content may matter more than screen time alone.
The second perspective comes from self-determination theory. When needs for relatedness and autonomy are insufficiently satisfied, a person may become particularly sensitive to signs of exclusion and seek reassurance through constant online contact [6]. Checking messages and feeds can provide temporary relief, but it also exposes the person to new opportunities for comparison. Over time, this pattern may develop into a cycle: concern about missing something prompts repeated checking, while repeated checking renews the concern. Avoidance may reinforce the cycle when individuals postpone decisions or meaningful activities because they do not want to close off other possibilities [1]. These processes offer plausible explanations for the persistence of FoMO, although their causal roles require further testing.
Young adulthood is a particularly relevant period for examining these processes. Between approximately 18 and 25 years of age, many individuals face decisions about education, work, relationships and future goals. Such choices can make missed opportunities feel personally significant. Research on fears about the future identifies professional self-realization, financial uncertainty and concern about making the wrong choice as important sources of distress in this age group [4]. At the same time, young adults are highly engaged with digital communication, and some experience difficulty regulating their online behavior. These circumstances may increase susceptibility to FoMO without implying that every young adult is equally vulnerable.
A growing body of correlational evidence links FoMO with anxiety. Studies of student populations report positive associations between fear of missing out and anxiety symptoms [2]. Research on social media use similarly suggests that intensive engagement with visually oriented platforms is associated with higher anxiety and FoMO, whereas the relationship is less consistent for informational platforms [3]. FoMO is also related to problematic short-video viewing: students with elevated FoMO more often report difficulty limiting viewing time and emotional discomfort when they attempt to stop [6]. These findings point to an association between FoMO, difficulty disengaging from digital content and anxious experiences. They do not, however, establish that FoMO itself causes anxiety.
The relationship with depressive symptoms is also supported, although the evidence appears less uniform. In one study examining the validity of a FoMO measure, FoMO scores showed a moderate positive correlation with depressive symptoms (r = 0.37, p < 0.01) [7]. Other studies connect exposure to idealized social media content with depressive experiences and reduced psychological well-being [3]. Repeated comparison with others may contribute to a negative evaluation of one’s own achievements and everyday life. Related research on postponed life syndrome describes how the devaluation of the present and the expectation that meaningful life will begin later can accompany dissatisfaction and emotional distress [5]. These parallels are informative, but postponed life syndrome and FoMO should not be treated as interchangeable constructs.
The association between FoMO and emotional well-being may also depend on behavioral factors. Procrastination is one possible pathway: concern about alternative opportunities may make it harder to commit to a decision, while delayed action can increase stress and dissatisfaction. Research on FoBO has found that procrastination statistically mediated its relationship with psychological well-being [1]. Because that study concerned a related but distinct construct, its findings cannot be assumed to demonstrate the same mechanism for FoMO. Nomophobia, or anxiety about being without access to a mobile phone, is another relevant factor. It has been associated with FoMO, procrastination and psychological distress [2]. Difficulties with self-regulation may therefore help explain why these experiences often occur together, but more targeted mediation studies are needed.
Context may strengthen or weaken these associations. Frequent exposure to idealized visual content can create more opportunities for unfavorable comparison [3]. Conversely, structured routines and practical limits on device use may help individuals regulate online behavior. A comparative study involving students from different educational settings found differences in patterns of digital use and self-control, suggesting that external structure may be relevant [6]. Such findings should be interpreted cautiously because educational settings can differ in many ways beyond their degree of regulation.
Several methodological limitations are important. Much of the available evidence comes from cross-sectional surveys, which identify associations but cannot determine whether FoMO precedes emotional symptoms, results from them or interacts with them over time. Self-report measures may be affected by recall errors and shared response tendencies. Some studies rely on relatively narrow student samples, limiting generalizability. In addition, evidence concerning FoBO, nomophobia and problematic digital use is sometimes used to explain FoMO even though these constructs are not identical. Longitudinal research, broader samples and studies that measure these variables separately are needed before strong claims about FoMO as an independent predictor can be made.
Despite these limitations, the literature has practical implications for psychological prevention and support. Psychoeducation can help young adults recognize the selective nature of social media content and question automatic comparisons. Notification limits, planned periods away from social platforms and realistic daily routines may support self-regulation [6]. Encouraging offline relationships, physical activity and meaningful personal goals may also reduce reliance on continuous digital reassurance. Interventions addressing avoidance and procrastination deserve further study, particularly when FoMO is accompanied by persistent anxiety or low mood. These strategies are promising directions rather than established treatments specifically validated for FoMO-related depression or anxiety.
Overall, existing research indicates a meaningful positive association between FoMO and both anxiety and depressive symptoms in young adults. The relationship with anxiety appears more consistent, while the association with depressive symptoms may be shaped by social comparison, dissatisfaction and reduced well-being. Frustrated psychological needs, repeated checking, procrastination and difficulties with self-regulation offer a useful framework for interpreting these findings. Nevertheless, the current evidence supports FoMO primarily as a correlate and potential risk marker, not as a proven cause of affective symptoms. Clarifying its predictive value will require longitudinal and methodologically rigorous research that separates FoMO from neighboring digital and motivational phenomena.
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